Friday, November 6, 2020

A (not so) short primer on political parties

 

Man, it seems that (again!) there was something wrong with my forecast for the USA presidential election: I dismissed too cavalierly the possibility of a major kerfuffle between the major parties about who had won, and a full blown constitutional crisis, along the lines presented in the Atlantic article by Barton Gellman that I did link. As of today (Friday, three days after the vote took place), we still don’t know the result (so at least it is clear that there is no “blue wave”, and that the support for Trump was once more dramatically underestimated in the polls, no matter how much the pollsters said they had learned and adjusted after 2016), and the current president has, true to form, already declared that he has won the election and that all further count should be stopped (not recount this time, like in Florida in 2000, but simple original, honest-to-God vote counting, as counting all the votes, legitimate or not, may endanger his “win”). If you were a Russian or a Chinese operative wanting to weaken the USA and to obliterate every remnant of influence it may still exert in the international arena you could not have engineered a more favorable outcome for your intentions…

Be it as it may, the one thing I believe I got right is that what this sorry soap opera confirms is that the cycle of US supremacy in international affairs is over, and this kind of drama just highlights it. Regardless of who finally gets to the White House, who would look, in the next four years (or in the next forty, for what it’s worth) to Washington for approval, inspiration, legitimacy or even financing? a country that spends an inordinate amount of time in a seemingly never-ending electoral campaign, that after such endless electioneering is mercifully ended, cannot agree on who has won the most votes because it uses some ballot counting processes that would look more in place in the XVIII century than in the XXI, that in the meantime cannot decide on what kind of help or mere economic relief its citizens need in the midst of a pandemic (a pandemic on which it can’t even agree on how to slow down because every imaginable measure has been politicized and rejected beforehand by a half of the population only because it has been embraced by the other half) the likes of which have not been experienced in a lifetime, where half of the electorate is ready to reelect a patently unfit, corrupt buffoon whose only merit (in their eyes, not mine!) is to make their shared opponents foam at the mouth? Not many, for sure, so I won’t dwell more in their unremarkable fate (all decadences look alike, and as I mentioned in my previous post, I have a more exalted one to look at when I want to ponder how mutable the fortunes of the world are, and how swift the fall from grace can seem).

What I want to dwell on, instead, is how their main political parties evolved in the last couple of centuries until they ended as a dead weight around the neck of the social body, beyond possible salvation, and how those in the rest of the world maybe moving in a similar direction, and thus similarly fated to end in the same undesirable place. I will start by remembering my readers that political organizations are groups of people with pre-defined roles (and limited freedom of action, as those roles constrain their choices of what they can publicly do) that share a common goal, namely the improvement of the group they self-identify with. That improvement typically takes the form of a zero-sum game, as it requires that said group takes control of a higher percentage of the “social product” (it is not necessary at this point to get in more detail of what the social product consists in: depending on the type of society it can be honor, recognition by other groups, voting rights, increased possession of material goods, freedom to engage in certain socially sanctioned activities, ability to dictate to others what they should listen, or see, or think, and whatnot). An interesting case is posed by people with multiple allegiances, belonging to multiple political organizations that may pursue potentially conflicting goals, but we will leave that case aside for the moment and deal with it towards the end of this post (or in the next one).

As I have mentioned in other places, durable and still recognizable political organizations in the modern sense appear in our civilization in the eve of the French Revolution. Before that we had the ur-political group, the family, and the nation state, and little in-between (other than some fleeting alliance of families like the Ghibellines and Guelphs of northern Italy I mentioned in a previous post). The French Revolution is considered a pivotal moment in (the Western) world history because for the first time, then, we see distinct groups of people becoming conscious of their common interests outside the family and within the nation, to be pursued separately and mostly in opposition to other similar groups. And because one of said groups (that initially identified themselves as the “third state”, formed by all those that were non-priest and non-noble, but that in the end was formed essentially by the urban bourgeoisie) was wildly successful, achieving not only its initial goals of getting a say in how the realm was managed (specially, and closest to its commercial heart, how taxes were levied) but getting a monopoly of power that would last actually to our present days, any other attempt at configuring political identities, popular movements and parties claiming to further the particular interests of a certain segment of the population have tended to follow the template set by the delegates of the National Constituent Convention (where the delegates of the mentioned third state, representatives of the majority, were seated at the left of the tribune, whilst the ones for the nobility and the church seated at the right).

Since then we have had, in all the West, two main parties: one purporting to represent “the majority of the population”, only not any majority, but specifically the one with less means and less wealth, and another one representing the “richest ones”. Let us call them, adhering to extended usage, “progressives” and “conservatives”, and try to clarify a bit more what sets them apart, in terms of who they are, how they can identify themselves (and distinguish from the other parties) and how they necessarily formulate their goals of increased power/ recognition/ wealth:

·         Progressives, as we have defined them, are marked by two features. They represent more than half of the populace, and that segment has to include the poorest ones. In different historical moments they have tried to extend their reach towards higher incomes (an extreme has been reached recently with the claim, coined by the recently deceased David Graeber, for whom I have a lot of sympathy, of being the “99%”, and thus excluding only the richer 1%), and the identification factor tends to overlap with the professional activity of its members (as the latter determines to a great extent the position within the social hierarchy). This party is then the natural home of peasants (specially landless ones: sharecroppers in UK, métagers in France, temporeros in Spain, etc.), industrial workers, apprentices, maidservants, small shopkeepers, low-level public servants, etc. As they earn less than the national average, they understandably tend to favor redistribution, the more of it there is the better (as for them as a group it is a net gain: the more it is taken from the higher earners and given to them in the form of direct transfers, subsidies, unemployment, healthcare and social security the more resources they have for leading more fulfilling lives), enacted usually by progressive taxation (that taxes at increasingly higher margins the higher income brackets). However, and equally understandably, that redistribution “from without” (tax more those that belong to the upper classes, who constitute this party’s “other”) stops at the group’s frontier, and becomes an ideal of solidarity within it. Nietzsche’s vitriolic “morals” could be construed as a denunciation of such solidarity (that he denounced as “slave mentality” in the usual friendly and equanimous tone he used with anybody he didn’t like -essentially everybody ever…). They identify themselves by their “unsophisticated” tastes in entertainment (“lowbrow” culture, as what has been called “highbrow” was revealed by Pierre Bourdieu and the like to be a coded and costly way to identify who belonged to the higher classes), which they construe as being more “natural”, more “wholesome” and “authentic” than the stilted, contrived, rootless and artificial cosmopolitanism of the elites.

·         Conservatives, on the other hand, cannot claim to represent a majority, as what singles them out is precisely the fact that they are “better off” (have more means at their disposal, more assets, more instruction, more influence, more status) than the average citizen (although some weird statistical distribution of wealth or income could be imagined in which the median took a value well above the average, and thus more than half the people could have “more than average” of the positional goods of which there is a limited supply, in real life normally the opposite is the case). That was not a problem at all in the old times, where such state of affairs could be maintained indefinitely by sheer force (as the ability to exert force was highly correlated with wealth and riches, so the rich ones were also the powerful ones, and could count with superior manpower -and later on, firepower- to keep the masses on their place), but with the advent of representative democracy (that has inched, slowly and haltingly, but surefootedly, towards the principle of “one person, one vote”) it has been much more tricky to operate and sustain. As we advanced in one of the posts on the USA elections, referring to the Republican party, there have been essentially two strategies open to them (and of course, both have been used extensively):

a)       “Divide and conquer”, splitting the opposition in two and disenfranchising as many as possible of those, and thus having only to extend the population you fight for to something in the vicinity of a 30-40% of the total. This is the path followed in Europe, where conservatives have successfully reached power many times with a 40% of the vote, as the remaining 60% was more or less evenly split between social democrats and communists (depending on the laws for converting the percentage of the vote into representatives, it may further require more imaginative alliances). It has to be noted that 40% of the vote could be cast by roughly a 25-30% of the total population, if abstention was high enough.

b)      “Obfuscate”, but as the latest USA presidential elections show, governing a majority of the population having the interests of only a minority of it in mind is a difficult exercise of tightrope walking, and the smallest failure may spell doom (in the form of loss of power to the majority, which would then enact the dreaded confiscation/ redistribution). A better alternative is to try to convince said majority that your positions, devised to benefit primarily those that are better off, are magically beneficial to everybody, including the poorer and worst-off parts of the polity. Something that was given intellectual legitimacy by John Rawls (that formulated what he called the “difference principle”, according to which the only deviations from equality that are morally admissible are those that would make the least advantaged members of society better off) and then was bastardized (hence the term I used for naming this strategy instead of “creating more wealth” of “enhancing the collective welfare”) in bullshitty theories like trickle-down economics (popularized in the motto “a rising tide lifts all boats”, that conveniently forgets that the big yachts tend to be lifted much more than the modest dinghies)

Regardless of the strategy best adapted to each social condition and historical moment, what all conservative parties share is a set of goals favorable to their constituency, centered around placing limits to (or right away eliminating) redistribution, allowing the wealthier to retain their wealth (which requires that differences in wealth are not only allowed or grudgingly put up with, but legitimized, even glamorized as inherently virtuous and desirable). That is, they really cannot aspire to increase their share of the social product, as they already own most of it, so their goal is the maintenance of the status quo, and derived from such maintenance, the justification of the traditions and ideologies that produced it (the more remote in the past the better), be that justification economic, religious, or identitarian (more on that in a moment). Such ideology has crystalized of late in a general disdain for the state and its administration, seen as a machine for siphoning resources from those who have them (the rich) to those who do not (everybody else). Thus, the legislative movement of conservative parties everywhere is towards less state machinery, less government capabilities and less institutions that can check private individuals’ decisions (which has the twofold benefit of making the state less able to redistribute wealth and of justifying further reductions in taxes, a strategy known in the USA as “starve the beast”), and thus towards ever increasing “deregulation” (not because they specially love unregulated markets; the rich love markets regulated just enough to extract monopoly rents from them, only once that has been achieved they prefer a hands off approach from government so they can maximize their gains even more).

So for about the last two hundred years in the West those two sensibilities/ sets of goals have animated the two main political parties (although they sometimes have fragmented due to personal enmities between some of their leaders, corruption of the entrenched ones that drove a significant portion of the electorate away from them or the local irruption of some niche issue that attracted the attention of enough voters), occupying between them most of the space between the nation-state and the family, and presenting themselves as the only alternatives for those willing to consecrate part of their time (or their resources) to the improvement of the lot in life of the group they identified with by adopting a role in them (be it as mere voter, a not very demanding role, but with implications on how they see the world far beyond what the very modest time commitment may suggest, or as an active organizer or leader). Thus, this could be a first level analysis of the political landscape of every Western nation, were it not for a glaring omission that we should now address: nationalism.

Nationalism means a bunch of different things to different people. To some it is the source of all evil and bad things that happened in the XX century and to others a virtuous quality that any properly born and bred citizen should exhibit in his public life. From our perspective, a political organization is nationalist when it intends to represent all the people that share a common nationality, and has as its ultimate goal the improvement of the lot of said people. If the play between nations in the international arena is understood as zero-sum, such improvement would necessary come at the expense of other nations (others groups of self-identified peoples) and we would be talking of “aggressive” nationalism, bent on the extraction of resources from other countries by force, on occupation of foreign lands if needs be to better exploit them and to right away conquer additional “vital space” for its citizens (lebensraum), like the one practiced by Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Imperial Japan, Colonial France, Imperialist UK… If the identification of who actually belongs to the nation is done in some restrictive way, in order to single out some group within the legal citizens of the nation-state as being the “real” nation, we would be talking of “exclusionary” nationalism, like again the one of Nazi Germany before WWII (that excluded the Jews and, to a certain extent, the communists) or the one of white supremacists in the USA of today (that would exclude blacks, Hispanics and supposedly other racial minorities that got too uppity some of which, in practice, may be more tolerated). Both of those nationalisms are seen as morally repugnant by a majority of educated people nowadays… in the West, as in Asia there is not one but two rising powers that owe a part of its current success to having harnessed the power of a nationalism presented in benign terms as the only outlet for the political participation of its enormous population: both China and India (the first to a more advanced degree than the second) present the currently ruling parties (Chinese Communist Party and Bharatiya Janata -Indian’s People Party) as the sole “proper” way of participating in a collective endeavor and help other people like you get a better life. as such parties purport to represent the whole of society, they leave no legitimate space to try to organize and fight for better conditions for only a subset of it (in China that attempt would be illegal, while in India, still a functioning democracy with a rich history of progressive and conservative parties going back to its independence, it is still legal, albeit the governing majority is trying to at least delegitimize it, although it has so far fallen short of attempting to forbid it).

What we do have in the West (or at least in Europe) is a number of regionalist parties pretending to represent “the whole nation” in small geographic areas that do not constitute an administratively independent nation (Catalonia, Corsica, Wallonia, Scotland) and that typically take advantage of their ability to represent at least a percentage of the population of the territories on which they operate to exact advantages from “national” parties (traditional conservative or progressive ones) in exchange for their parliamentary support, that can be at times pivotal to keep them in power.

I will have more to say about those “small nationalists”, and about the degeneration of both progressive and conservative parties, in a next post on this topic, as this one has already exceeded my self-imposed limits on verbosity…

Tuesday, November 3, 2020

And here comes my forecast (USA Elections III)

 Having devoted my previous post to explain my patient readers why I think Donald J. Trump definitely deserves to lose this Tuesday, I am going to use this one to share why I think the (as of today, the very same day of the election, not that I’m taking enormous risks here!) more likely than not victory of Joe Biden doesn’t necessarily means that justice will be served, the good guys will win, the previous (mostly beneficent) state of the world will be restored and the Hegelian Spirit of History will resume its march towards greater equality/ self-consciousness/ happiness.

First, then, let’s review why said victory seems the most plausible option given what the polls say. If your are reading this blog and have the most passing acquaintance with the US political process you already know that the Washington Post’s aggregate of polls has Biden leading nationally with 10 points, the Economist’s model gives him a 95% of winning, and Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight gives him a 90%. It surely seems like a safe bet to say that Trump is basically toast and Biden will be the next US president, doesn’t it:

Regardless of the accuracy of the model (and I think it’s the most accurate out there, although with electoral model it is as with investment funds… past performance does not guarantee future returns), the polls are almost unanimous in giving Biden a substantial lead. Even the WSJ and Fox News (who you definitely wouldn’t accuse of having a pro-democrats bias!) are giving Biden an 8-10 points lead. However, it is indeed both concerning and surprising that such lead has been shrinking in the last couple of weeks (using again 538 data, it was 10.6 a week ago and on election day it has been reduced to 8.4):

It just baffles me that Trump’s number may have gone up from low 41 to mid 42’s in a week. I can’t fathom what may have motivated a full 1.5% of the American population to decide in the last minute, seeing what we have seen during the campaign, that they were supporting the orange one all the same (or I may fathom it, just have a look at the conservative press and it all boils down to the same old same old: judges and abortion, with a sprinkling of the economy -which for those guys ends up meaning lower taxes, gargantuan deficit be damned as long as it is incurred by a Republican: from a former never Trumper: vote for Trump!). Equally baffling is that Trumps favorability ratings, that have not exceeded 50% during his whole presidency (probably a historically unprecedented feat, the guy never got to be approved by more than half of the population), have infinitesimally ticked upwards in this same last week of an ugly, partisan, rancorous and generally uninspiring campaign:

Probably that simply reflects the existence of a base of die-hard followers that reject on a fundamental level everything that comes from the mainstream media and, although generally dismissive of the president until now (maybe they saw how through all his talk of being a defender of conservative values he was in it only for himself), they have reacted against the deluge of last minute almost unanimous messages against him by finding him more endearing (the “enemy of my enemy” dynamic).

Can we then conclude that Trump is definitely toast, disconnect from all the network-induced drama of the ballot recount (that may take days, more on that in a moment) and come back in a week -or even better, in a month- to see how the transfer of power is taking shape to the new Biden administration? Well, not so fast. You probably also remember how polls and models were similarly bullish on Clinton four years ago, and yet… and surely already know that this time is different (isn’t it always and every time?), Biden’s lead has hold steadily since the beginning of the campaign (but that was four years ago, when Bien was not yet the candidate, or was he already?), is at this point much bigger than Clinton’s ever was, and thus it would require a much bigger error in the polls for Trump to play a similar upset this time. Let’s just remember how the 538 model looked like back then:

So yup, looked a bit more swingy back then, steadier this time, and a bigger lead (plus probably some adjustments and improvements in how pollsters adjust more realistically to the underlying composition of the electorate, weighing by education) means that the safest bet by far is that Biden wins the popular vote (few doubts about that one, really) AND the electoral college this time around. I very much agreed (a month ago) with Scott Sumner’s opinion that if Biden arrived to election day with an advantage above 5% in FiveThirtyEight’s poll aggregator, that should be enough to overcome the electoral college bias, plus the likely poll bias that may fail again to identify hypothetical “shy” Trump voters (Money Illusion election forecast ), and Biden has indeed arrived with 8.4% advantage, so I have little doubts. There has been no October surprise, there are almost no undecided voter this time that can unexpectedly break for one candidate or the other, more than 2/3 of the electorate have already cast their ballots, so I think it’s the ignominious end of the ignominious Trump era.

That is really the “easy” part of the forecast (anybody can just visit FiveThirtyEight and reach the same conclusion). The interesting part comes afterwards, knowing that even if Biden wins big, Trump may (and almost certainly will) contest the result to the bitter end (and, after Florida in 2000 and the amount of lawyers hired to litigate this until the second coming, nobody can tell where that bitter end lies). The fact that an inordinate amount of votes have been sent by mail this time, and that the myriad of electoral systems independently managed seem to be poorly prepared to deal with such deluge, plus the fact that it may very well happen that the composition of the electorate that choose to cast their vote by mail is not exactly the same as the one choosing to vote in person (with more democrats preferring the first option, and more republicans opting for the second), it is not far-fetched, doesn’t matter how much pundits and commentators have warned against such possibility, that we have a preliminary recount tilting more heavily towards Republicans than the end result, and that in certain, Republican controlled jurisdictions, there is some movement to cut short the completion of the vote counting. A number of journalists have already fleshed out such scenario (the most famous one is penned by Barton Gellman in The Atlantic: What if Trump refuses to concede? ) but I don’t think things will get that hairy. Still, the most likely scenario is a big enough victory for Biden (one that will be recognized, albeit grudgingly, by the likes of Fox News), contested all the same by Trump, with a bunch of suits trying to delegitimize the results in a bunch of swing states, suits that will slowly and haltingly be dismissed in the end (after many months) in different instances until nobody really pays much attention to them, but enough to have Trump claiming for the rest of his life that the election was stolen, that the future democratic administration is illegitimate, and, even worse, to have a fringe (but vociferous enough to have an oversized impact in subsequent public discourse) of the Internet, the conservative media and their dark corners of social network claim to the end of days that the “Deep State”, the “Cathedral”, the “Swamp” conned once again a gullible electorate (which will be colorfully described as a “coup”, a “conspiracy” and, of course, ultimately “treason” to the constitution and the sacrosanct founding principles of the commonweal), and restored in power a dark cabal of crypto-communists hellbent on destroying the republic in spite of the lack of “true” popular support for their extremist policies. The real impact of such holdovers and shrill sycophants in the future unfolding of events is likely to be minimal, so we don't really have to pay much attention to them.

Which is essentially recognizing that "haters gonna hate" and  all that. The really important, underlying trend we have to pay attention to is the fact that the American republic long ago passed the point of no return regarding its viability (an interesting historical question would be when exactly was that point crossed: when they chose a black president and one of its major parties decided that thwarting him was more important than presenting a viable government alternative? when its liberal elites decided virtue signaling was more important than giving equal opportunities to the less educated parts of the population, even if they didn’t share their multicultural, intersectional sensibilities?). Lincoln famously declared “a house divided cannot stand” and Americans have shown the world they are a house not just divided, but irreparably, acrimoniously, vitriolically so. Each half of the country would be happier losing an eye if the other half lost both than keeping their eyes altogether, a sure sign of decadence. Sadly, most Americans still consider themselves exceptional, a “city on a hill”, an “indispensable nation”, and naively think that the rest of the world counts on them to act as the Sheriff in any international dispute gone awry and the final arbiter of truth, justice, fairness, goodness and progress, while said rest of the world has been watching in horror at the clown show that have been the last four years, crowned by the most incompetent response to this troubled time’s sanitary emergency. I live in Spain, a country that probably deserves the title of world champion in decadence (one that took place in a shorter interval than the similarly storied one of the Roman empire, happening between the beginning of the XVIth century, when Spain dominated one of the vastest empires history has known, an empire on which “the sun never set”, and the end of the XVIIth, when it became the laughingstock of Europe, whose leading nations shamelessly fought  about who to sit in its throne, without caring much for what the nationals of the sad place may opine). Such stupendous fall from the heights of inernational influence to being a backwater has helped us develop a fine instinct for identifying it in others. So we can assert with some historical perspective that the USA is already in full decadence mode (as already identified by some of its leading intellectuals: The Decadent Society ) and that, regardless of who wins this election (or the next ten ones), decadence is a one way street. One you enter that path, it’s weakening, loss of prestige, loss of international influence, loss of confidence and internal mistrust and division all the way down to run-of-the-mill country. And, worst of all, all those undesirable events will exacerbate internal strife, as they will be blamed by each half of the population on the other half (with the eventual, and mostly imaginary, help of some external evildoers, the appeal to non-existent external threats being another surefire sign that a country is on a downward trajectory).

So, considered with a wide enough perspective, it really, doesn’t matter who is finally awarded today’s election, how long and chaotic is the process to reach such decision, and finally who governs for the next four years (likely torturous and conflictive ones). America, and by extension the West, and our current dominant reason, are all doomed because of underlying forces that run deeper, and are much stronger, than what any single individual can control. For those unduly excited by the perspective of a Biden restoration, and a return to normal, and the belief in the arch of history bending towards justice, we should remember that after Nero, an emperor that most historians consider extremely bad who governed from 54 to 68 AC, the empire still knew its years of maximum territorial expansion under Trajan (98 – 117 AD) and Hadrian (117 – 138 AD). The question, then, is if Trump will be like Nero, a minor blip in a still ascendant trajectory, or rather more like an  Elagabalus (218 – 22 AD), after whom it was really all decadence and degeneration until the final collapse, with very little in the form of respite or recovery of past glories. Not needing to go to such lengths of historical comparison, I found this article by Branko Milanovic to provide some balanced and equipoised perspective: What are the stakes (less than you think!)

To be able to answer that question, we have to remove the veil that for decades has obscured the view of what America’s two main parties (considered as political organizations, something they are appreciably no more) have been defending, and whose interests have shaped their programs and their achievements when in power. But such removal will have to wait until my next post on the issue.